We provide Grinds in History at all stages of Second Level; and Tuition in specific cases of Third Level – including advising students on thesis and project work.
• Examination techniques being taught will include: directing students to answer specifically and correctly the particular question being asked; and to use their knowledge to full advantage – thus obtaining higher reward for their work.
SOME TYPICAL COMMENTS FROM STUDENTS ON THE CONTRIBUTION OF OUR GRINDS TO THEIR SUCCESS:
"I had quite a bit of knowledge, but did not know how to use it in my answers untill I took History grinds at Celbridge Tutorials." M.O.C.-- Maynooth
“I obtained Honours History outside of my School by attending Celbridge Tutorials alone” (Niamh – Celbridge)
“I needed extra help with my History, and got all the answers at Celbridge Tutorials” (Gareth M – Lucan)
REASONS FOR RESTRICTIONS ON IRISH PARLIAMENTARY AUTONOMY:• That no Irish parliament could operate independently and contrary to the Westminster parliament in matters of the Crown and succession – as it had done during the reign of Henry V11 and the deposition of James 11. The former had given rise to the enactment of Poyning’s Laws in 1495; the latter had led to the series of acts during the late 18th and early 19th century k, known as the Penal Laws.
IRELAND HAD NO NATIVE PARLIAMENTARY TRADITIONK:
• Gaelic Ireland had been ruled by Brehen Law – which did not provide for parliamentary representation. The parliaments operating under Anglo-Norman rule and its British inheritors were aimed at subordinating the Irish and their leaders to the interests of the Crown. The most frequently quoted legislation to that purpose is Poynings Laws of 1495, which decreed: (1) That no Irish parliament could be held without the prior written consent of the King. (2) That the King could refuse or alter any Heads of Bills being submitted by an Irish parliament. (3) That all government officials were to hold office at the pleasure of the King. (4 ) That the Irish parliament shall be subordinate to that of England in all matters – both internal and external.
• The Act of Union in 1800 went further than Poyning’s Law, by abolishing the Irish Parliament in its entirety, and replacing its function with provision for the attendance of Irish MPs and Lords at Westminster.
• Grattan’s parliament had succeeded in having Poyning’’s Laws renounced in 1783 – henceforth, and for ever more, only the Irish parliament had the right to legislate for its people, and only the King had the right to reject its legislation (but not alter it). Yet the Irish Protestant nation had remained totally dependent on English trade and milliary protection for its survival. Moreover, its autonomy was not absolute – for Irish policy continued to0 be formulated in London, and to be implemented by the Lord Deputy and his Chief Secretary.
• Though the 98 rebellion had been suppressed by rapid and cruel tyranny, the British Prime Minister, William Pitt, and others of his cabinet, had come to believe that Catholic emancipation was necessary and inevitable – if Ireland were to be appeased.
• Were Catholic emancipation to be granted, it would be essential that the Irish nation would be fully incorporated within the Kingdom, so that Catholics would be in a permanent minority – thus guaranteeing the long-term security of the Protestant ascendancy.
• The Act of Union would also include the unification of the Churches of England and Ireland – Thus removing the danger to the established church in Ireland from a rejuvenate Catholic church.
THE FIRST HOME RULE BILL (1885)
• An Irish parliament consisting of two “Orders” (Commoners and Peers) who could sit together or separately: each “order” having a suspensory veto over bills introduced by the other.
• An Executive responsible to the legislature – but with no remit in the following: Issues pertaining to the Crown, peace and war, foreign affairs, defence, navigation and trade, customs and excise and coinage.
• The Judicial committee of the British Privy Council would have the right to decide whether any act of the Irish Parliament was “ultra Vires”
• Ireland was to raise its own revenue and to pay 1/15th to the cost of the Empire.
• There was no provision for attendance of Irish MPs or peers at Westminster.
• A land purchase act was to follow: enabling tenant ownership.
The provision for an Irish representation at Westminster was considered necessary because of Irelands involvement in the fiscal affairs of the Kingdom; also, because an acceptance of the righto Ireland to absent itself from Westminster could be interpreted as a precursor to the evolution of a greater independence.THE THIRD HOME RULE BILL (1912)
• There were no changes with regards to the absence of any prerogative on the part of the Irish parliament in matters of the Crown, foreign affairs, external relationsk, trade, customs and excise.
• Ireland would have responsibility for internal affairs; however, he supreme authority of the United Kingdom parliament over all persons, matters and things in Ireland was to be retained.
• Control of the police force was not to immediately pass to the new Irish executive.
GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND ACT (1914):• On the 18th September 1914, Prime Minister Asquith agreed to placing the Home Rule legislation on the Statute Books, as the Government of Ireland Act (1914), subject to two provisos: (1) A Suspensory Act, which delayed the operation of the legislation until after the war was over. (2) That before it would take effect, an amendment would be presented to parliament to provide for the concerns and needs of the Unionists of North East Ulster.
The problem which would later manifest itself however was that there was no overall consensus as to the true meaning of the term “Republic”: to many, it was synonymous with national independence, to others it meant changes in wealth distribution, to others it meant restoring the old Gaelic culture.
The sagacious De Velara declared that they were not doctrinaire republicans and that the type of constitution which Ireland would adopt would be decided after freedom had been obtained. However, the Dual Monarchy ghost was not exorcised and arose in an altered form during the treaty negotiations.
THE FIRST DáIL:
• 1918 Representation of the people Act greatly increased the electorate: this gave men of twenty and certain women of thirty years of age the vote for the first time. This young vote generally favoured Sinn Féin, who won73 of the 105 seats in Westminster. In accordance with the original Griffith policy, they refused to attend the British Parliament; instead they established the first Dáil in the Mansion House on 21st January 1919. Only 28 members attended – the rest being imprisoned or on the run. None of the 7 Home Rule or 25 Unionist MPs attended – though invited..
• It did not declare a war of independence, nor had it the mandate to do so.
• It proclaimed Saorstát éireann – the Irish Free State: although it ratified the Republic proclaimed by armed revolt in 1916: thus linking the revolution with constitutional politics.
• Its claim to right of existence as a democratic institution was based on its election by British constitutional law.
• Its procedures strictly followed the British parliamentary tradition, which it had inherited through O Connell, Parnell and Redmond.
• It adopted a democratic programme -- with some socialist tenets taken from the Labour party policy document , as a requital for the latter’s co-operation in not opposing Sinn Féin in the General Election; however it did not make these, or any of the provisions included an integral part of the constitution.
• It incorporates in a basic form the main elements of the British cabinet system of Government. (Brian Farrell 69)
• It never gained control over the operations of the IRB and IRA whose deeds were mainly responsible for winning its leaders the right to negotiate a treaty with Great Britain. Thus, like Grattan’s parliament, it was due to physical force , rather than by political persuasion that it wrenched a greater form of independence from an unwilling British Government.
• It established embryonic institutions which help to sustain democracy after violence had mainly achieved parliamentary independence.
HAVE THE PRINCIPLES AND HOPES OF THE PROCLAMATION OF 1916 BEEN REALISED?
There has been a tendency to castigate those who have inherited the legacy of the men of 1916 for not having adhered to the ideals of the Proclamation ; perhaps, however, those critics have indulged in an anachronistic interpretation of the original intention and actual meaning of that acclaimed document.
It was a primarily a propagandist document justifying the rights of rebellion against the subordination of the Irish Nation to an alien empire: thus it was aimed at an international audience as much as it was a summons to arms to the Nationalist people of Ireland.
The proclamation could not have been extreme in its ideals: Ithe rebels had no mandate from the people – the vast majority of Irish Nationalists supported the demand for Home Rule, and believed that their goal was about to be realised. Sinn Féin -- which was ironically accredited with responsibility for the Rising -- had not anticipated a Republic: it proposed a Dual Monarchy like that existing between Hungary and Austria. The event of 1916 was not a Revolution.: it did not presage a repudiation and overthrow of the established system of Government.
The Proclamation did however declare a Republic; “we hereby proclaim the Irish Republic as a Sovereign Independent State.” This declaration was given a belated validity by the elected representatives of Nationalism during the inaugural meeting of the first Dáil in January 1919. Subsequently the Civil War was fought on the issue of the Republic. But, what was meant by a Republic then, and what does it mean to-day? The definition of a Republic is: a state in which supreme power is held by the people and their elected representatives, and which has an elected or nominated president -- rather than a monarch Thus, the only real article of contention after the Treaty was not concern for a United Ireland, but rather with the issue of an Oath of Allegiance to the Crown – which would entail a denial of the Republic..
The Proclamation did not propose a Socialist Republic: a planned economy controlled by the State, with State ownership of all industries and natural resources. It is the misconception that a Republic necessarily means a Socialist State that has motivated accusations that our state as it operates now is not a Republic. Moreover, on matters of socialism, it is significant to note that this document did not refer to the rights of working people – despite the fact that this issue had been fought for and largely lost during the 1913 “Lock-out” -- causing starvation and further deprivation among the poor of Dublin.
Had these leaders realised the “freedom to achieve freedom” they might well have developed their political thinking to include the principles of a Socialist State; however, the majority of the Irish Nationalist people were then rural – anxious to conserve what they had recently obtained through the various Land Acts – and therefore not likely to democratically support anything that would endanger the private ownership of resources. Furthermore, we must acknowledge the relevance of Connolly’s throwing in his lot with the cause of Nationalism – a clear admission that World War had killed the dream of international worker’s solidarity -- when faced with conventional priorities of securing state frontiers. This suspension of the Socialist agenda was later compounded by the decision of the Labour Party not to contest the 1921 General Election: in order to give Sinn Féin free rein to win convincing support for independence.
There was always the danger of a delayed reaction by the Catholic majority to a long resented history of suppression under the supremacy of a Protestant minority: we must remember that the Penal Laws were only rescinded during the previous century. Thus the wording of the Proclamation was very much aimed at appeasing the fears of Protestants -- should they come to live within a new Irish State: “The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, cherishing all of the children of the nation equally.” This reference to “children of the Nation” is best interpreted as meaning members of all races of Irishmen and Irishwomen -- not juveniles and what we now call “Kids” This matter is made clear by the following qualification: “oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien Government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.” Thus when commentators use this passage to assail successive governments with their failure to fulfil the promises of the Proclamation to our young, they are misinterpreting its originally intended meaning..
What was much more daring on the part of the signatories was the declaration of a “resolve to pursue the
happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, “` The pursuit of happiness for one’s people is a noble aspiration, and it has been enshrined as one of the ideals of the U.S. constitution. According to the great 17th. Century English philosopher, John Locke, it entails “the freedom to be able to make decisions that results in the best life possible for a human being. It includes intellectual and moral effort on the part of the individual; but when achieved it delivers the highest perfection of intellectual nature” There are implications here that we ourselves must become actively involved in the pursuit of happiness: that is to say that it can not be merely gifted to us from without. Yet if our government were to engage in the accomplishment of this ideal on behalf of the Nation it would mean responsibility for ensuring an educational system aimed at developing and nurturing the innate abilities of all young people; which does not mean solely the provision of academic knowledge. Consequently, there would be provision for the development of vocational skills as well as various forms of art. The provision of such an unrestricted educational system would lead to greater potential for the occupation, employment and personal fulfilment of our people. On this important issue, we can say that the aspirations of the Proclamation have not been honoured.
There is one often avoided area within the Proclamation: it expresses the need for sacrifice for the common good. For the leaders of the Rebellion, the “Common Good” probably meant Freedom from the Crown and the right to Self Determination. What does it mean to-day? Few of us speak now of the Common Good -- if it does not include our own interests; and Sacrifice is not currently a popular word.
After the loss of the Aud and the countermanding orders of McNeill, the leaders of 1916 knew that they could not win – though their rhetoric claims otherwise. Their proclamation however was a clear declaration before the free Nations of the world that Ireland’s quest for freedom was a just one and its fulfilment was ultimately irresistible. It was also an aspiration that the impending Republic would be free from discrimination and would aim to nurture what is noblest in humanity. Finally, it was an heroic act of defiance by a few altruistic patriots who knew that sacrifice had become necessary in order to awaken their Nation from its slumber.
If their ideals have-not still been realised, we must not yet despair: for we have come through the denial of our laws and customs – that was the objective of the Statutes of Kilkenny and Poynings’ Law; through the ethnic cleansing – that was the terror of Cromwell; through the degradation and religious oppression of the Penal Laws, and through the genocide of the Great Famine. We have survived, arisen, forgiven and advanced again – even if sometimes with faltering steps. Our Nation’s restoration has been akin to a lost land, weighed down by ice for so long an age that its subsequent erratic isostatic uplift is not yet complete.
PREPARE FOR YOUR EXAM!
FORÓGRA NA POBLACHTA, (1916)
ó RIALTAS SEALADACH POBLACHT NA h-ÉIREANN go MUINTIR NA h-ÉIREANN:
A FHEARA AGUS A MHNÁ NA hÉIREANN: In ainm Dé agus na nglún atá imithe ar slí na firinne romhainn, agus óna bhfuil a náisiúntacht faighte aici le hoidhreacht, tá Éire ag cur gairm slógaidh ar a clann brostú chun a brataigh agus troid ar son a saoirse.
Tar éis di a cuid fear óg a oiliúint is a eagrú trína h-eagraíocht réabhlóideach rúnda, mar atá Bráithreachas Poblachtach na hÉireann; agus trína heagraíochtaí míleata nach raibh faoi cheilt aicí, mar atá Óglaigh na hÉireann agus Arm Cathartha na hÉireann; tar éis di a féinsmacht a chur I gcrích go foighdeach; tar éis di fanacht go seasmhach faoi choinne uair na faille, beireann sí anois ar an bhfaill sin -- le tacaíocht a clainne atá dulta ar imirce go Meiriceá -- agus le tacaíocht a comhghuaillithe calma san Eoraip -- ach go h-áirithe ag brath ar a láidreacht féin, aimsíonn sí buille dóchasach lena haghaidh sin.
Dearbhaíonn muid gurb é an cheart dhochloíte ag muintir na hÉireann seilbh a bheith acu ar acmhainn na tíre seo agus go bhfuil sin amhlaidh ó thaobh comhlíonadh ár gcuid cinniúna de. Cé go bhfuil muid curtha as ár gcearta siúd ar feadh I bhfad ag cine agus cumhacht iasachtach, ní éireoidh leo go deo -- múna ndéanfar díothú ar muintir na tíre uilig. Ó ghlúin go glúin tá a gcuid cearta chun saoirse agus ceannas an Náisiúin seo a bhaint amach fógartha ag muintir na h-Éireann: ar sé ócáid le linn na dtrí céad bliain atá thart tá na cearta siúd dearbhaithe againn faoi arm. Ag cloí go seasmhach lenár gcuid cearta bunúsacha mar Náisiún, agus ag iarraidh na cearta siúd a thabhairt go deireadh na scríbe, fógraíonn muid Poblacht na h-Éireann mar stát ceannasach neamhspleách; ar a son cuireann muid ár mbeatha agus beatha ár gcompánaigh airm I ngeall lena saoirse, lena leas agus lena hardú chun céime I measc náisiúin na cruinne.
Tá ceart dúchais ag Poblacht na h-Éireann a bheith ag súil le dílseacht ó gach uile Éireannach, idir fhir agus mhná -- agus leis seo, tá sí ag éileamh na dílseachta sin orthu. Ráthaíonn an Phoblacht saoirse chreidimh agus saoirse shibhialta, chomh maith le cearta cothroma agus deiseanna cothroma dá saoránaigh go léir: chun na tosaíochta seo a chur chun cinn fógraíonn sí go bhfuil sé de rún aici sonas agus séan an náisiúin uilig a bhaint amach agus go mbeidh sí chomh ceanúil ar chlanna éagsúla an náisiúin -- gan beann ar bith aici ar na difríochtaí a chothaigh rialtas eachtrannach go cúramach sna blianta atá thart chun deighilt a chruthú idir an mionlach agus an móramh sa tír seo.
Go dtí go mbuafaidh ár n-airm an chumhacht chun Rialtais ionadaíochta Naisiúnta bhuain a bhronnadh ar muintir na tíre uilig -- a mbeidh tofa le vótaí a cuid fear agus ban -- riarfaidh an Rialtas Sealadach a bhunaítear leis seo gnóthaí sibhialta agus míleata na Poblachta thar ceann an phobail.
Cuireann muid cúis Phoblacht na hÉireann faoi choimirce Dé Uilechumhachtaigh ar a n- impíonn muid beannachtaí a bhronnadh ar ár gcuid gníomhartha cogaidh; agus guímid nach náireoidh duine ar bith inár measc an chúis chéanna le claidhreacht, le mídhaonnacht ná le slad. In uair na cinniúna seo caithfidh náisiún na hÉireann í féin a chruthú trína crógacht, trína féinsmacht agus trí toilteanas a clainne a bheith réidh le hiad féin a íobairt ar son leas an phobail: ionas go dtuillfidh sí an Chéim uasal atá I ndán dí.
(aistrithe ag Mick Beirne)
THE GAELIC LEAGUE
Under the direction of Douglas Hyde as president and Eoin MacNeill as secretary, the Gaelic League formulated and implemented an ambitious programme; by 1905 it had 550 branches throughout the country. The branches organised Irish classes conducted by timirí (travelling teachers) and also lectures, concerts and Irish dances. From 1899 onwards the Gaelic League published An Claidheamh Soluis, an Irish-language weekly newspaper. It staged an annual cultural festival, the Oireachtas, and had Saint Patrick’s Day designated a national holiday. It also succeeded in having Irish included in the curriculum for primary and secondary schools and in having it made compulsory for matriculation at the National University of Ireland,
While the Gaelic League was strictly non-political and the membership included some unionists, the majority of members were nationalists - in the decades leading up to 1916 most would have been moderates who regarded Home Rule as the only viable objective. The membership also included extreme nationalists, including a number of the signatories of the 1916 Proclamation of the Irish Republic, who were particularly influential within the organisation. While these eventually gained control in 1915, the main contribution of the Gaelic League to the 1916 Rising had already been made: over a generation the Gaelic League had accomplished significant cultural change in the nationalist population. The young men of the 1916 generation were proud to be Irish and heirs to one of the oldest civilisations in Europe; many of them spoke the Irish language; they cherished their cultural traditions; and, moreover, they were aware of their national history—a history in which Ireland had been unjustly dominated for centuries. While the majority would settle for Home Rule, some believed Ireland was entitled to full independence, an objective for which they were prepared to fight.